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Politico: Specter To Review Testimony of Alito, Roberts, In Light Of Decisions

It has long been my view that the Senate should ask specific questions of the views of SCOTUS nominees. They should be able to ask "do you believe Roe v. Wade should be overturned?" If the nominee chooses not to answer a question like that, then Senators should vote no on that nominee, or table the nomination until he/she does answer the questions. It seems Senator Specter is moving towards that view:

Sen. Arlen Specter (R-Pa.) plans to review the Senate testimony of U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel A. Alito to determine if their reversal of several long-standing opinions conflicts with promises they made to senators to win confirmation. Specter, who championed their confirmation, said Tuesday he will personally re-examine the testimony to see if their actions in court match what they told the Senate. "There are things he has said, and I want to see how well he has complied with it," Specter said, singling out Roberts. . . . Specter, the ranking Republican on the Judiciary Committee, who served as chairman during the hearings, said he wants to examine whether Roberts and Alito have "lived up" to their assurances that they would respect legal precedents.

Obviously Roberts created a false impression. But the Senate Judiciary Committee allowed that impression because they allowed the White House to stonewall its document requests and for Roberts to avoid answering specific questions. A lesson is learned? Doubtful but good to see the question asked. More.

Senator Durbin gets to the point:

Senate Majority Whip Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.), a Judiciary Committee member who voted against both nominees, said a review "could lead us to have a different approach." He said senators need to be "more probing" with their questioning of nominees. "Certainly Justice Roberts left a distinct impression of his service as chief justice. And his performance on the court since, I think, has been in conflict with many of the statements he has made privately, as well as to the committee," said Durbin, who was unaware of Specter's idea.

Specificity and directness in the questioning is required and straight answers should be demanded. This was the failing of both the Roberts and Alito hearings. Well that, and Biden's inability to ask a question.

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    Are you sure about that? (none / 0) (#1)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:09:46 PM EST

    RULE 2.11: JUDICIAL STATEMENTS ON PENDING AND FUTURE CASES

    (A) A judge shall not make any statement that might reasonably be expected to affect the outcome or impair the fairness of a matter pending or impending in any court.

    (B) The judge shall require similar abstention on the part of staff, court officers, and others subject to the judge's direction and control.

    (C) A judge shall not, with respect to cases, controversies, or issues that are likely to come before the court, make pledges, promises, or commitments that are inconsistent with the impartial* performance of the adjudicative duties of judicial office.

    (D) This Rule does not prohibit public statements made in the course of a judge's official duties or an explanation of court procedures, nor does it preclude a judge from commenting on proceedings in which the judge is a litigant in a personal capacity.

    Inconsistent with (none / 0) (#3)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:13:32 PM EST
    I believe saying what you believe is NOT inconsistent with the impartial performance of the adjudicative duties of judicial office.

    If it is your view that BELIEVING something about those cases is inconsistent with such performance, then you may have a point. I assume you do not.

    You believe INFORMING the Senate of that belief is the problem. And that is simply ridiculous.

    Parent

    BTW (none / 0) (#5)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:15:53 PM EST
    Whaty are "future cases"?

    Parent
    I would also add (none / 0) (#7)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:20:52 PM EST
    that Roe was decided 34 years ago. Casey 14 years ago. Etc.

    These are not pending or future cases.

    Parent

    Ahem: (none / 0) (#2)
    by andgarden on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:11:10 PM EST
    Politico: Specter To Review Testimony of Alito, Roberts, In Light Of <strike>Decisions</strike> his desire to win pro-choice voters in Montgomery County in 2010.

    Specter's Empty Gesture (none / 0) (#4)
    by squeaky on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:15:25 PM EST
    A lesson is learned? Doubtful....

    Asking the question when all it does is make you appear responsible without either reversing the damage done or preventing the same from happening again is pandering.

    Now if he were to acknowledge the damage to the constitution done at his behest that would be something to see, but it aint gonna happen.

    The idea for a review came to Specter when he said he ran into Justice Stephen G. Breyer at the Aspen Ideas Festival in Colorado.....

    Specter, who said he will do the review when he "gets a spare moment," would not go as far as Feinstein on whether he feels misled.

    "Don't put words in my mouth," Specter said.



    I disagree (none / 0) (#6)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:17:01 PM EST
    If Stevens retires, this change of philosophy could be critical to the next appointment.

    Parent
    OK (none / 0) (#8)
    by squeaky on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:22:37 PM EST
    We'll see if and when Specter finds the time to put his words into action.

    Although I can guarantee you, if the dems sweep the 08 elections and win a healthy senate majority the Aspens will be all over this.

    That is when Specter will change the rules, of course change the rules to favor COnservatives.

    Parent

    Oh (none / 0) (#9)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:24:18 PM EST
    I said it was doubtful. But that does not mean it is not important.

    Parent
    No Disagreement On That (none / 0) (#12)
    by squeaky on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:43:27 PM EST
    I was cringing during the hearings, as was everyone I know. How come Feingold et al could see through the stonewalling and dishonesty but Specter could not. It was crystal clear that Roberts was a stealth candidate and Alito a pure activist.

    Now all of a sudden Specter is having second thoughts about the process. And he suddenly had the realization during the Aspen event?

    He is hedging for being a big minority in the future.  

    If the Republicans win in 08 we will hear nothing of it again.

    Parent

    Feinstein not Feingold (none / 0) (#13)
    by squeaky on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:43:59 PM EST
    Although Feingold too.

    Parent
    I think saying, e.g.: (none / 0) (#10)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:26:01 PM EST
    "I believe Roe v. Wade should/should not be overturned," can  be construed as something other than a "pledge, promise or commitment" to vote that way in a future case, but I think it would be totally wrong to adopt a per se standard of refusing to vote for  any nominee who believed it was improper to make such a direct statement to appease Senators voting for his or her nomination.

      Certainly I would sympathize with litigants who believed that the judge or justice who had made such an unequivocal statement was something less than impartial.

     

    Would you sympathize with the same litigants (none / 0) (#11)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:42:39 PM EST
    faced with a judge who BELIEVED that statement even though he never aired it publically?

    It seems to me that your objection remains the DISCLOSURE of the belief and not the belief itself.

    And that simply makes no sense.

    Parent

    Absurd (none / 0) (#14)
    by jarober on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:54:42 PM EST
    That's simply an absurd idea, and I fear for a judicial system that contains members of the bar who think that way.

    You fear for it? (none / 0) (#17)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:03:53 PM EST
    Talk about absurd.

    Parent
    Yes, and (none / 0) (#15)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 01:54:56 PM EST
      I sympathize with my clients and   myself sometimes when we are  confronted with judges I believe to be something less than impartial.  

      You are confusing my  OBJECTION with my observation that many well qualified and fair minded people might feel constrained from making the comment "_ should/should not be overruled" because of their understanding and interpretation of the rules. Categorically rejecting anyone who believes he or she should not make such statements because they will be seen as promises, pledges or commitments is wrong in my view.

      The  purpose of the rules against judges making statements which call their impartiality into question  does make sense-- although it is perfectly reasonable to reject the rationale-- because the prohibitions are based on the underlying principle that not only should judges be impartial but that they should avoid behavior which creates the appearance of partiality.

       I find a substantial amount of force in the position that I'd prefer to know for certain the bias otf a judge rather than having to infer it  but the rule is still designed to make judges refraining from making comments promising to decide cases in a certain way-- even if everyone thinks they know that's what they will do.

    I believe you confuse the role (none / 0) (#16)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:03:15 PM EST
    of a judge sitting on a pending case or a likely pending case with that of a nominee seeking to be seated on the SCOTUS.

    The balance is clear, and Specter is explaining to you why. You ignore the imperatives on the issue here it seems to me and the different circumstances involved.

    And you certanly can not argue that the Senate can not act as I describe. So then where are we? What interest will give way? I think clearly the phony one you are championing.

    Parent

    No, (none / 0) (#18)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:27:53 PM EST
      I think you misapprehend the scope (and purpose) of the rules and canons governing judicial behavior. I have some support for my view. Do you have any for your view?

    Canon 5A(3)(d)(ii)

      ...a  judge or a candidate for election or appointment to judicial office shall not--
    with respect to cases, controversies, or issues that are likely to come before the
    court, make pledges, promises or commitments that are inconsistent with the impartial performance of the adjudicative duties of the office....

    Here are some other views:

    Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg: "A judge sworn to decide impartially can offer no forecasts, no hints, for that would show not only disregard for the specifics of the particular case, it would display disdain for the entire judicial process. Similarly, because you are considering my capacity for independent judging, my personal views on how I would vote on a publicly debated issue, were I in your shoes, were I a legislator, are not what you will be closely examining."

    "Because I am and hope to continue to be a judge, it would be wrong for me to say or to
    preview in this legislative chamber how I would cast my vote on questions the Supreme
    Court may be called upon to decide. Were I to rehearse here what I would say and how I
    would reason on such questions, I would act injudiciously."
    "[H]ow a prospective nominee for the bench would resolve particular contentious issues
    would certainly be `of interest' to the President and the Senate in the exercise of their
    respective nomination and confirmation powers . . . . But in accord with a longstanding
    norm, every member of this Court declined to furnish such information to the Senate, and
    presumably to the President as well." -- Republican Party of Minnesota v. White, 536 U.S. 765, 807 n.1 (2002) (Ginsburg, J., dissenting)

    Justice Sandra Day O'Connor:"I feel that is improper for me to endorse or criticize a decision which may well come back
    before the Court in one form or another and indeed appears to be coming back with some
    regularity in a variety of contexts. I do not think we have seen the end of that issue or that
    holding and that is the concern I have about expressing an endorsement or criticism of that
    holding."

    Justice Stephen Breyer: "I do not want to predict or to commit myself on an open issue that I feel is going to come up in the Court. ... There are two real reasons. The first real reason is how often it is when we express ourselves casually or express ourselves without thorough briefing and thorough thought about a matter that I or some other judge might make a mistake. ... The other
    reason, which is equally important, is ... it is so important that the clients and the lawyers
    understand the judges are really open-minded."

    "The questions that you are putting to me are matters of how that basic right applies, where
    it applies, under what circumstances. And I do not think I should go into those for the
    reason that those are likely to be the subject of litigation in front of the Court."

    Justice John Paul Stevens: "A candidate for judicial offices who goes beyond the expression of `general observations about the law ... in order to obtain favorable consideration' of his candidacy demonstrates either a lack of impartiality or a lack of understanding of the importance of maintaining public confidence in the impartiality of the judiciary." Republican Party of Minnesota v. White, 536 U.S. 765, 800 (2002) (Stevens, J., dissenting)

    Justice David Souter: "[C]an you imagine the pressure that would be on a judge who had stated an opinion, or seemed to have given a commitment in these circumstances to the Senate of the United States, and for all practical purposes, to the American people?"

    Justice Anthony Kennedy: "[The] reason for our not answering detailed questions with respect to our views on specific cases, or specific constitutional issues [is that] the public expects that the judge will keep an open mind, and that he is confirmed by the Senate because of his temperament and hischaracter, and not because he has taken particular positions on the issues."

    Justice Thurgood Marshall: "I do not think you want me to be in a position of giving you a statement on the Fifth Amendment and then, if I am confirmed and sit on the Court, when a Fifth Amendment case comes up, I will have to disqualify myself."

    That is not support (none / 0) (#21)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:47:48 PM EST
    That is nominees refusing to answer questions posed to them. Let's consider their arguments which are yours and which I have addressed. But I will do so again.

    The canon. The key phrase is "make pledges, promises or commitments that are inconsistent with the impartial performance of the adjudicative duties of the office...."

    How is someone stating what they believe making a pledge, commitment or promise? They are describing their beliefs. This is simply not relevant. And indeed, none of the people you cite say this is relevant. Let's go through them:

    Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg: "A judge sworn to decide impartially can offer no forecasts, no hints, for that would show not only disregard for the specifics of the particular case, it would display disdain for the entire judicial process.

    This is a declarative statement. There is no reasoning WHY that is so. It seems to me to be the same ludicrous reasoning you have adopted, that the HAVING A BELIEF does not effect impartiality it is the DISCLOSING of thebelief. This is simply pure silliness. Whether you say it or Ruth Bader Ginsberg says it. It is sheer nonsense.

    The effect, if any, on objectivity, comes from having thebelief, not OUR knowing of the belief. If anything, the nondisclosure of the belief is more problematic. IT denies the Senate the full knowledge it shouldhave in order to determine whether a nominee should sit on the SCOTUS. Like you, Ginsburg mouths platitudes but provides no reasoning. She had good reason. She was a nominee being asked questions. I am not sure what your motivation is for not providing reasoning for your view.  

    More Ginsburg:

    Similarly, because you are considering my capacity for independent judging, my personal views on how I would vote on a publicly debated issue, were I in your shoes, were I a legislator, are not what you will be closely examining."

    This is an impertinence on her part. No one asked her what she would consider. Nor is what she would consider relevant. She was not a Senator.

    "Because I am and hope to continue to be a judge, it would be wrong for me to say or to
    preview in this legislative chamber how I would cast my vote on questions the Supreme
    Court may be called upon to decide. Were I to rehearse here what I would say and how I
    would reason on such questions, I would act injudiciously."

    More declarative unsupported assertions with not an ounce of reasoning behind them. Very empty.

    And here Ginsburg contradicts herself:

    "[H]ow a prospective nominee for the bench would resolve particular contentious issues
    would certainly be `of interest' to the President and the Senate in the exercise of their
    respective nomination and confirmation powers . . . .

    She previously said it would not be of interest to er were she a Senator. It is clear that Ginsburg is mouthing platitudes. As here:

    But in accord with a longstanding
    norm, every member of this Court declined to furnish such information to the Senate, and
    presumably to the President as well." -- Republican Party of Minnesota v. White, 536 U.S. 765, 807 n.1 (2002) (Ginsburg, J., dissenting)

    A "tradition" is not a reason. Why is there a tradition? Does it make sense? Neither you nor Ginsburg offer even a meager argument to support it.
    And your oter citations are more of the same.

    How about a reason, an argument for this tradition? I do not deny the tradition exists, I am criticizing it. How about arguing in its favor?

    You have not provided any.

    One last point. You cite Justice Stephen Breyer, who tries to argue a reason:

    "I do not want to predict or to commit myself on an open issue that I feel is going to come up in the Court. ... There are two real reasons. The first real reason is how often it is when we express ourselves casually or express ourselves without thorough briefing and thorough thought about a matter that I or some other judge might make a mistake. ... The other
    reason, which is equally important, is ... it is so important that the clients and the lawyers
    understand the judges are really open-minded."

    The first one is plausible, but not for some standard issue cases such as Roe, Marbury, Brown, etc.

    The second is ludicrous. NOT DISCLOSING your beliefs even if you have them does not demonstrate openmindedness. It demonstrates concealment.

    This entire line of thinking is merely done in service of a charade. And an increasingly harmful one as the reaction of Specteer to ALito and Roberts is now demonstrating.

    It is time for the end of this harmful silly game.

    Parent

    you are still missing my point (none / 0) (#26)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 03:37:31 PM EST
      I think there is some merit to your view about "concealment." At the least it is a supportable argument for reconsidering the judicial canons. However, it seems patently unreasonable to penalize people for acting in a way they believe consistent with the EXISTING canons rather than adhering to your view of what they should be.

       MANY (almost certainly the vast majority but I have no stats) believe sincerely that they should not give answers to questions which others would interpret as signaling a preference on a specific issue or a likely ruling in a potential future case. I don't think that you can make the case that is an unreasonable belief given the language and the history of their application.

      I'm not saying I would advocate automatically rejecting any nominee who adhered to a minority interpretation of the canons  and answered a question other nominees would not answer. As i said, I think a colorable  argument can be made that saying I think __ should be overruled is not necessarily tantamount to a promise, pledge or commitment to rule that way in a future case. However, I do think the argument requires some very artful semantical gyrations.

      Are you really advocating that ANY nominee be rejected because they interpret rules (which they did not promulagate) as proscribing such comments?

      This general view has been expressed by "liberal," "moderate" and I'm sure  "conservative" nominees. The committees which draft these rules are politically balanced and they are not intended to favor any partisan political agenda.

      If what you believe is that the interests motivating the  proscription of such comments are outweighed by the interests of full disclosure and informed consent I think you can make a solid argument -- but it's an argument for changing the rules not rejecting people who act in what they believe to be accordance with the rules.

    Parent

    Your assumption is simply false (none / 0) (#27)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 03:40:17 PM EST
    The judicial nominees do not feel constrained byu the ethical canaonc nor should they.

    Specter has stated it plainly. They will answer only as much as they must. If more is required, you will see how they choose to answer more. Ethics has NOTHING to do with it.

    Politics does.

    Parent

    Obviously (none / 0) (#28)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 03:49:58 PM EST
     there is some truth to the asserion that nominees ethics are situational and they are disposed (and coached) to parry questions they don't want to answer but to give the appearance of openess.

      But, let's get real. If, let's say,  President Hillary Clinton a nominates Judge Smith for the Supreme Court and Smith says "I believe Roe v. Wade" was properly decided  and I would not vote to overrule it," EVERY abortion opponent would view that as indication Smith had already made up his mind on an issue likely to come before the court and every abortion advocate would view it as a commitment to uphold Roe. Moreover, Smith, knowing he had made the statement and how it was perceived would be likely to feel some obligation to act with fideity to his prior statement--- and  Lord knows the fury with which he would be confronted if he didn't.

    Parent

    Decon (none / 0) (#29)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 04:02:51 PM EST
    My response is "So what?"

    Let the debate begin on the issues. Burying them below situational claims of ethics constraits is no answer.

    Good discussion. Thanks for taking the time to engage in it.

    I'm gone for a while now. Talk to you later.

    Parent

    Stare Decisis (none / 0) (#30)
    by squeaky on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 04:04:26 PM EST
    And that is what both Roberts and Alito said that they were for.

    But now we know that they were lying.

    Judge Smith, in your example, would essentially, although more specifically, be saying I agree with the concept of Stare Decisis.

    Parent

    Present belief versus future intention (none / 0) (#19)
    by Jon Erik Kingstad on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:36:25 PM EST
    At the time Alito and Roberts were examined by the Senate they had not yest been confirmed so they cannot hide behind an ethical rule that applies to a case or controversy that was "likely" since it was speculative whether they would even be confirmed. It's too bad that dodge has persisted so long because under the rule, nominees for a judicial appointment under the Senate confirmation process are clearly not entitled to avoid answering a question on how they rule on a given set of facts or on overruling a case. Still, the Senate has an obligation to ask questions as if that person were confirmed both about past and present beliefs maybe in the form of a hypothetical question, assuming you wre confirmed and you were asked to overrule Roe v. Wade. I think any answer that was not a straightforward "no", has to be taken as a yes.

    I even highlighted it for you, (none / 0) (#22)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:48:37 PM EST
     but I'll do it again:

    ...a  judge or a candidate for election or appointment to judicial office shall not--
    with respect to cases, controversies, or issues that are likely to come before the
    court, make pledges, promises or commitments that are inconsistent with the impartial performance of the adjudicative duties of the office....


    Parent

    And it remains irrelevant (none / 0) (#23)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:51:16 PM EST
    Though your point on it applying to nominee is of course, valid.

    Parent
    It's not the questions (none / 0) (#20)
    by koshembos on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 02:42:24 PM EST
    No refinement of the questioning process is going to solve the problem of judges such as Roberts and Alito. They are crafty enough to wiggle out of any straight jacket one designs.

    The problem is purely political. If Leahy voted for Roberts, something basic is wrong with the Democrats. Even the nuclear options would have now been a real help against the Bush Republicans and made stopping the Iraq chaos, it's not a war since we don't have an enemy there, a reality.

    Nothing is better than a Democrat in the White House starting January 2009.

    Senators should (none / 0) (#24)
    by Deconstructionist on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 03:07:17 PM EST
      vote based on what they conclude about a nominee.

      The idea that voting against any nominee who declines to  answer questions  which many  people believe judicial nominees should not answer due to ethical rules designed to protect the impartiality and appearance of impartiality  of judges and the independence of the judiciary is a very bad one.

      As you can see such a stance would eliminate peope you like just as often as people you dislike-- all for a bad reason. The "phoniness" is the pose that the willingness to answer the questions has anything to do with the decision of the Senators. We all know that everyone already has their mind made up about what the nominee's views are the big issues. the issue isn;t the willingness to state a position--it's the position.

       If Democratic senators want to vote against Republican nominees because they think those nominees will vote in ways they oppose, fine-- and vice versa. Personally, I prefer the idea of a philosophically balanced court with members reprsenting a broad spectrum of philosophies and views all represented by highly qualified and fair jurists, but that's just me (Even I want  the  jurists who agree more frequently with me to be better represented than those who less frequently agree with me. I just don't want partisan litmus tests.)

     Senators of both Parties are free to be political hacks and make decisions solely from that perspective. they casn vote for or against whomever they choose for whatever reason they want. If some Senator disqualifies someone solely because of the anticipated position in an abortion case so be it. I think that's bad but but it's honest and that Senator was elected and he gets his vote. Refusing to vote for any nominee who refuses to telegraph her position because she believes she is ethically constrained from doing so however is a terible idea.

    Nonsense (none / 0) (#25)
    by Big Tent Democrat on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 03:21:51 PM EST
    You write:

    "The idea that voting against any nominee who declines to  answer questions  which many  people believe judicial nominees should not answer due to ethical rules designed to protect the impartiality and appearance of impartiality  of judges and the independence of the judiciary is a very bad one."

    Why is it a bad one? You argue:

    "As you can see such a stance would eliminate peope you like just as often as people you dislike-- all for a bad reason."

    No it would not. These folks, and those of the Right, would adapt and play by the new standard established by the Senate. They would START answering the questions. You are being silly.

    You write:

    " The "phoniness" is the pose that the willingness to answer the questions has anything to do with the decision of the Senators."

    This is ludicrous. If the Senators would not vote  for, opr would table a nominee UNTIL the answers were given, then we would know if the answrs not given are determinative. You are the phony on this.

    You write:

    "We all know that everyone already has their mind made up about what the nominee's views are the big issues. the issue isn't the willingness to state a position--it's the position."

    What position? This is simply nonsense. Did you know Roberts' "position" on stare decisis regarding Roe? You did not and, presumably, do not. Or are you saying you do?

    Yours is an incredibly phony position. You write:

    "Senators of both Parties are free to be political hacks and make decisions solely from that perspective."

    Are you sasying voting for or against based on a judicial view is being a political hack? Thsat makes you the hack quite frankly.

    You write:

    "If some Senator disqualifies someone solely because of the anticipated position in an abortion case so be it."

    The point is it should NOt have to be anticipated.

    Your last part is simply dishonest:

    "Refusing to vote for any nominee who refuses to telegraph her position because she believes she is ethically constrained from doing so however is a terible idea."

    They are not ethically constrained. They do not believe they are ethically constrained. Look at Roberts. He stated that he accepts the right to privacy. He even endorsed a particular concurring opinion in Griswold.

    Somehow there was no ethical constraint there.

    Judicial nominees, as Specter notes, answer only as much as they have to and no more.

    For you to pretend otherwise is to being naive or dishonest.
    t

    Parent

    Continuing my theme (none / 0) (#31)
    by andgarden on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 04:04:32 PM EST
    This is good for Specter and bad for Republicans.

    Most Americas are pro-choice. It is possible that having nominees be up front about their position on Roe would mint more pro-choice Republicans. (Or, at least, send some pro-life Republicans on to defeat against a pro-choice Democrat).

    Need to know if the partial birth abortion (none / 0) (#32)
    by oculus on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 06:24:36 PM EST
    and/or disparate salary cases were pending at the Court of Appeals or SCOTUS during the confirmation hrgs. of Roberts and/or Alito.

    Historical note: when word of Roberts (none / 0) (#33)
    by oculus on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 06:32:58 PM EST
    nomination first hit the press, some enterprising reporter caught his mom at home before Roberts told her not to talk to the media. In response to the question, will John Roberts vote against abortion rights, Mom sd., of course, he's Catholic.

    A judicial canon is not a rule (none / 0) (#34)
    by Jon Erik Kingstad on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 07:50:57 PM EST
    binding on nominees to the US Supreme Court. Deconstructionist: You cited Rule 2.11 above which does not use the word "nominee". "Nominee" only appears in a canon, which from my experience most judges disregard when they feel like it anyway. I appreciate it is some authority but I think the not wanting to comment on cases that might come before the court is a phony dodge. And look at Scalia and Cheney. Scalia should have recused himself in the Energy panel case under any canon or rule. He didn't because nobody could make him. That's why I say the Senate should not allow any nominee or prospective Supreme Court justice get away without answering these questions.

    One last time (none / 0) (#35)
    by Deconstructionist on Thu Jul 26, 2007 at 07:15:30 AM EST
      I'm not disputing that some people may believe it is proper for a nominee to discuss their views more completely than do other people. I'm saying I think BTD's position is wrong when he says  that any nominee should be automatically rejected if she  declines to answer a direct question such as "'do you believe Roe v. Wade should be overturned?'"

      The issue should NOT be whether the nominee shares or does not share our views as to the extent of the constraint on such comments. Reasonable people, including many highly qualified candidates-- and highly qualified candidates who share views on the actual issues themselves-- would be rejected simply for doing what they believe they are supposed to do.