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The WH Fighting On Bad Ground On Executive Privilege

Ed Morrisey writes a very perplexing post that seems utterly incorrect to me. He says:

Tony Snow rather forcefully responded to this development, calling it a singular event in American history, where the legislative branch will direct the executive branch -- in the form of the federal prosecutor -- to file contempt charges against itself.

Of course this is NOT a singular event as anyone who has read the CRS report would know. Indeed, the curent White House counsel Fred Fielding was involved in the most recent of these in the 1982 Burford matter, when the Reagan White House caved in to the Congress when faced with a contempt citation. I suspect there is a strong possibility the White House will cave in again. Wonder what Ed will think then. More.

Ed also writes:

It portends a showdown in the Supreme Court over the nature of executive privilege, and Sensenbrenner is correct. Absent any evidence of criminal conduct, the Supreme Court is highly unlikely to grant the legislative branch free rein to pursue contempt charges or to undo executive privilege.

This is simply uknowable but the case law, IF FOLLOWED, would lead to a prediction of exactly the opposite conclusion. As I wrote yesterday about the CRS Report:

Of especial interest to today's controversies are the discussions of Congress' power to investigate abuse and fraud and the inherent contempt power. On investigations of abuse and fraud, such as the US attorney firings, the report states:

Congress’s power “to conduct investigations is inherent in the legislative process. That power is broad. It encompasses inquiries concerning the administration of existing laws as well as proposed or possibly needed statutes.” The Court did not limit the power of congressional inquiry to cases of “wrongdoing.” It emphasized, however, that Congress’s investigative power is at its peak when the subject is alleged waste, fraud, abuse, or maladministration within a government department. The investigative power, the Court stated, “comprehends probes into departments of the Federal Government to expose corruption, inefficiency, or waste.” “[T]he first Congresses,” held “inquiries dealing with suspected corruption or mismanagement by government officials” and subsequently, in a series of decisions, “[t]he Court recognized the danger to effective and honest conduct of the Government if the legislative power to probe corruption in the Executive Branch were unduly hampered.” Accordingly, the Court now clearly recognizes “the power of the Congress to inquire into and publicize corruption, maladministration, or inefficiencies in the agencies of Government.”

(Emphasis supplied.) In the US attorneys firings scandal, the Congress' investigative power is at its zenith while the President's claim of executive privilege is at its ebb as it does not involve a question of national security. It does not even inolve communications with the President. Isn't it obvious why White House counsel Fred Fielding wants no part of a court adjudication of this dispute? Because he is sure to lose.

Really, Ed's "concern" is unfounded when he writes:

Nancy Pelosi will in all likelihood force a ruling that will firmly establish executive privilege and leave Congress with less power than it has had, after having finally called its own bluff.

Ed seems to not have a firm grasp on the material. Indeed, he does not even consider the possibility of an inherent contempt proceeding. I am not sure what he is relying on for analysis but he is far off the mark here. It is the President who is playing with fire regarding executive privilege, not the other way around.

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    Contempt of Congress (5.00 / 1) (#1)
    by Jon Erik Kingstad on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 08:22:48 PM EST
    The basic problem comes down to whether the US attorney for the District of Columbia will bring any house resolution before a grand jury for indictment. That is the real risk. That and the possibility that as soon as indicted, if they are, Miers or Bolten are not pardoned. Congress would be better off going the inherent contempt route (which I assume is like civil contempt where the contemnor holds the keys to confinement in his/her pocket) and incarcerating Miers and Bolten until adjournment. When would that be? November, 2008? Assuming they held out like Susan McDougal did for Clinton.

    I found this quote from the US Supreme court in Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178 at 206-207:

    "Since World War II, the Congress has practically abandoned its original practice of utilizing the coercive sanction of contempt proceedings at the bar of the House. The sanction there imposed is imprisonment by the House until the recalcitrant witness agrees to testify or disclose the matters sought, provided that the incarceration does   not extend beyond adjournment. The Congress has instead invoked the aid of the federal judicial system in protecting itself against contumacious conduct. It has become customary to refer these matters to the United States Attorneys for prosecution under criminal law."

    You are especially productive (5.00 / 1) (#2)
    by andgarden on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 09:01:14 PM EST
    on the evenings when I step away from the computer. Go figure.

    Dry Powder for Criminal Contempt (none / 0) (#3)
    by kaleidescope on Wed Jul 25, 2007 at 10:22:53 PM EST
    Given the current makeup of the Department of "Justice", I'd recommend against seeking to involve the USA for DC.  He's as likely as not to simply throw the case or get a court to dismiss it with prejudice.

    A better tack would be for Congress to invoke its inherent powers of contempt, jail Bolton and Miers in the DC jail, and wait for a Democratic president to appoint a competent prosecutor to bring charges against them of criminal contempt.  Let them sit in jail until the end of this Congress and then be prosecuted for criminal contempt.