Let me address some of the points of contention. Lakoff wrote (I break Lakoff's statements into smaller pieces because Lakoff's defenders stated that my quotations were too long) :
[T]here's a terrible Democratic strategy being put forth which is to say, as Chuck Schumer said last week, this is a referendum on the Republicans. They all talk about the Republicans as being incompetent. That's a big mistake for two reasons. What that says is that you're going to be quiet and let the other guys fail.
So what does Lakoff mean when he says it is a terrible strategy to say the election is a referendum on Republicans? Hmmm. To me he is saying it is a terrible strategy that Dems state the election is a referendum on Republicans. Is some other reading possible? Lakoff's defenders say so. I don't see it myself.
Lakoff further states:
That's wrong because what that does is allow the Republicans to frame all the issues between now and the election. If you're silent and you just say, "you're going to fail," you're letting the other guys control the debate, and you can't do that.
I wrote that "Lakoff further misunderstands that a referendum on the Republican government does not mean silence. It means the exact opposite. It means Democratic critique of the Republican performance." I think Lakoff is wrong and I stand by my critique.
Lakoff's supporters say that what Lakoff MEANT was that of course it is a referendum and of course it does not mean silence to say it is a referendum. Well, he may have meant that but he said the exact opposite. Sorry, but I am a mere mortal; I have no mind reading powers.
Lakoff's supporters tell me that what Lakoff MEANT was Dems must offer an alternative. Indeed, Lakoff's supporters say everybody says that. Yes everyone does say that. "Everyone" says a lot of things. Does that make it right? The evidence to support the correctness of that view is lacking.
In any event, if Lakoff is sayng what everyone is saying, what is the big whoop? Is there something specific Lakoff has in mind? Is he saying that he thinks Democrats will not define themselves? That he thinks they will define themselves in poor ways? Well, he did not write that. Lakoff's supporters say that Dems will allow the GOP to define them.
This critique of me is perhaps the most ironic of all. In fact it is my principal criticism of Lakoff that he seems unable to understand the power of defining the Republicans. Lakoff criticized Democrats for spending a great deal of time defining the Republican brand. In so fiercely defending Lakoff, his defenders have missed my principal critique and never address it. How ironic.
Lakoff's inability to see this was exemplified in his praise of Obama. In my original post I wrote:
Lakoff praises Obama for injecting the "values" issue into an election that has been and should be fought completely on favorable ground for Democrats is frankly, mindboggling. Iraq. The Economy. Health Care, etc. Republican failure at governance. Obama discusses a Republican strength. This is Lakoff's idea of good politics? Of course Obama's approach has other failings that I discussed in my previous post, but Lakoff's embrace of a phony GOP issue for this election cycle demonstrates the limits of Lakoff's political savvy. With due respect to the Professor, one could not imagine worse advice at this time.
Lakoff's focus on self identified conservatives is where his flaw is manifested in practical terms. One of his his defenders says that:
[BTD] misunderstands why Lakoff talks about talking to conservatives. Lakoff does so primarily because his theory explains two coherent political frameworks, liberal and conservative. There is no coherent moderate framework. However, moderates employ both liberal and conservative frameworks. Thus, speaking to and countering conservative influences is a way to reach both conservatives and moderates. Big Tent Democrat mistakenly thinks that Lakoff is ignoring moderates in favor of conservatives.
This is so much hokum. Conservatives are not convinced by "coherent political frameworks." While Lakoff's statements are rather contradictory on the issue, Lakoff's defenders deride Hofstadter's focus on the psychological and irrational as explaining voter behavior. Lakoff's defenders speak of coherence in the conservative political mind as if they are rational actors. It is my contention they are not. They are paranoid actors, reacting politically to satisfy their personal fears and status ambitions.
Lakoff's defender inaccurately argue that speaking to persuade and address conservative voters help with moderate voters. No eivdence supports this and indeed I velieve, as I have statd that Lakoff is fundamentally wrong on this point. The conservative tendencies of moderates are fueled by the same irrationality that fuels conservatives themselves. Moderates are persuadable and accessible for Democrats in spite of these conservative tendencies because they are susceptible to a liberal critique of conservatism. Consider how moderates react to the radical religious right. Would it not be much more fruitful to brand Republicans with the beliefs of the extreme right in order to convince moderates that the views of Democrats better represent them? Does it not seem more plausible that a moderate may have status anxiety against being seen as a antiscience yahoo?
I understand why Lakoff and his defenders find my critique unappealing -- it speaks to the power of negative branding of your political opponents. It is certainly true that politics would be a more pleasant and enlightening experience if rational and reasonable explanations were what drove voting behavior.
It is my cynical view that this is certainly not true for conservative voters and mostly not true for all voters. Lakoff's defenders deride Richard Hofstadter on this point. Ok. Well how about FDR? He knew a little something about winning elections. His negative branding of the Republican Party was so effective that Democrats became the majority party for a generation. On politics, I'll take FDR over Lakoff every day of the week and twice on Sundays (joke intended.)